How Macron set up the Great Reset in France
As the months go by, and without displaying it, Emmanuel Macron is unrolling the ball of the Great Reset in France.
To understand the strategy being pursued by the executive branch, one must in fact abandon any reference to the notion of right or left, and reread the book by Klaus Schwab, founder of the Davos Forum, entitled the Great Reset. The parallel between the project of one and the realization of the other is quite disturbing. Here is a summary.
Between Emmanuel Macron and Mario Draghi, no one knows who is the best agent of the Great Reset, and it is not impossible that both are now competing to be its heroes.
For all those who still wonder whether Emmanuel Macron is of the left or the right, it is in any case not useless to compare his political work deployed over the last year with Klaus Schwab’s Great Reset project. The similarities are so striking that one wonders if France is not the testing ground for a doctrine that we commented on in our previous book on the subject.
Macron has been implementing the Great Reset for a year
According to the subsidized press (by Macron, by the way, who launched a special aid plan last summer…), the Great Reset is the mark of the conspiracists, like the number 666 is the mark of the beast in the Apocalypse. However, the Great Reset is a public project, signed by Klaus Schwab, which gave rise to a long hype from the globalized caste, also totally public, on the occasion of the last Davos Forum.
The slogan of this session perfectly sums up the ambition of the Great Reset, which has been ignored in France, despite its obvious achievements:
It is urgent that global actors cooperate to simultaneously manage the direct consequences of the COVID-19 crisis. To improve the state of the world, the World Economic Forum launches the Great Reset initiative.
It is within this framework that Emmanuel Macron has shown himself to be the good student who “cooperates” in the management of the COVID-19 crisis. And it is very tempting to list his achievements in all areas. Indeed, Emmanuel Macron’s speeches multiply references to international cooperation, multilateralism and its benefits. “Improving the state of the world” through the cooperation of countries in large technocratic bodies is, one might say, at the heart of the Macronian credo.
Instrumentalizing COVID for something else
In our analysis of the Great Reset, we emphasized the long instrumentalization of the COVID crisis that Schwab advocates in order to impose behavioral and structural changes in our society. We recall this passage from the French edition of Schwab’s book (page 118), under the title “leaders éclairés” (enlightened leaders):
Some leaders and decision-makers who were already at the forefront of the fight against climate change
Some leaders and decision-makers who were already at the forefront of the fight against climate change may want to use the shock of the pandemic to implement broader, sustainable environmental change. They will, in effect, “make good use” of the pandemic by preventing the crisis from being for naught.
The Great Reset is inextricably linked to the belief that the coronavirus pandemic must be used for more than just health protection. In particular, it is an opportunity to impose changes, reforms, decisions, in the ecological field.
We will examine the content of these decisions later. In the meantime, it is worth noting that the Great Reset basically contains the idea that an “enlightened” leader (in the text) might “want to take advantage” of the pandemic to bring about something other than pandemic-related measures. This is what Schwab calls the “good use” of the pandemic.
In so doing, one reads Emmanuel Macron’s recurrent references to the “Enlightenment” in a different light. And one thinks again of the “enlightened leader” according to Schwab, who exploits the situation to do something other than public health policy. Of course, one thinks that there is at worst a link, at best a coincidence, when one thinks of the whole policy led by the President since the declaration of “war” against the virus.
We will see.
Health pass and contact tracking
Of course, what immediately comes to mind as the first example of the wonderful achievements of the French Great Helmsman (ER: a reference to Chairman Mao) during the epidemic is the health pass, which allows to “segregate” the good vaccinated and the bad non-vaccinated. The health pass is a direct consequence of Schwab’s analysis of mass surveillance.
For example, the following explanation can be found in Schwab’s book (p. 131):
Contact tracing and contact tracking are therefore essential elements of our public health response to COVID-19. The two terms are often used interchangeably, but have slightly different meanings. A tracking application provides real-time information by determining, for example, a person’s current location using geodata via GPS coordinates or the location of a radio cell. On the other hand, contact tracing consists in obtaining information a posteriori, such as the identification of physical contacts between people using Bluetooth.
As we can see, the introduction of applications that allow to trace the chain of contacts of a given person, contaminated or not (the police are never far away in this kind of use), is not an idea that came out of a French brain. It is theorized by Klaus Schwab himself. The distinction between “tracing” and “tracking” reminds us that France is not the worst country in the world, since it is content with tracking the traces of contacts between individuals after the fact, whereas it could track them in real time…
But we should not rejoice too quickly: real-time data tracking is not practiced in part because the law prohibits it. There is no reason why the subject of allowing real-time tracking will not be on the table in the coming months, along with facial recognition devices.
Those who think this is a conspiracy fantasy should read the very interesting Thales blog on the subject: they will understand that they are very much behind the times.
The vaccinate-all strategy
Another element of the Great Reset has inspired European policies, including French policy. And here again, Emmanuel Macron shone for imposing it by delegating to Olivier Véran (ER: health minister) the task of carrying out this project: the vaccinate-all and the renunciation of any early treatment of the disease, for the greatest benefit of the operators who develop the vaccines.
We will not go back over this French obsession with vaccines, since it is well known to all French people. But they will understand it better if they refer to Schwab’s Great Reset, which states (page 41):
Several months into the pandemic, it seems that even a semblance of a return to the status quo for most service companies is inconceivable as long as COVID-19 remains a threat to our health. This in turn suggests that a full return to “normal” cannot be contemplated until a vaccine is available.
We find here the language that dominated the French strategy to fight the epidemic: the vaccine was the only hope, the only step to take for a “return to normalcy”. And so much the worse if this return only occurs with a sanitary pass and an incessant multiplication of injections to avoid a rise in cases.
Basically, the Great Reset defended the interests of the pharmaceutical industry by advocating the exclusivity of the vaccine. Once this vaccine has been injected, no one questions its real effectiveness, nor the effective return to normal, announced at one time (by Karine Lacombe, as we have recalled) when the vaccination rate reached 60%. And 88% of the population vaccinated later, we were still wearing the mask, and we were still undergoing the health pass. (ER: we don’t trust these stats.)
Recovery through infrastructure and energy transition
In August 2020, Jean Castex and Bruno Le Maire presented a recovery plan that was supposed to include European funding. Here is how this plan is officially presented by the ad hoc governmental website:
In order to quickly revive the economy and achieve results in decarbonization, industrial reconquest, and the strengthening of skills and qualifications throughout the territory, an exceptional plan of 100 billion euros is being deployed by the Government around three components: ecological transition, competitiveness and cohesion. The European Union is providing 40% of the financial support for this plan.
Those who read our first paragraph on the instrumentalization of the epidemic for the benefit of ecological measures will not be surprised to see, as early as August 2020, an investment plan translating into figures the objectives of the Great Reset: decarbonization and other ecological themes. But there are also projects relating to transport infrastructure.
These elements are to be seen in relation to the many proposals of the Great Reset on this subject, always in relation to the idea of the “enlightened leader” (page 118):
Governments led by enlightened leaders will link their stimulus packages to green commitments. They will, for example, offer more generous financial terms for companies with low-carbon business models.
And what do we find in the French plan? This sentence from the Ministry of Industry perfectly sums up the French translation of the Great Reset:
The aim of decarbonizing industry is to support industrial companies in investing in equipment that emits less CO2.
But there are other similarities with the Great Reset in the French plan. For example, this plan includes a project to modernize our supply chain, called “logistics 4.0”. It is strangely reminiscent of this sentence from Schwab’s Great Reset (page 89):
For example, a complete and comprehensive decoupling from China would require hundreds of billions of dollars of investment by the companies involved in newly located factories, and equivalent amounts of money from governments to fund new infrastructure, such as airports, transportation links, and housing, to serve the relocated supply chains.
These few elements, which could be declined endlessly, show how Great Reset thinking has percolated into French strategy. This porosity was not limited to the Elysée Palace. It was largely supported by the technostructure of Bercy (ER: the French ministry of finance).
The thorny issue of health care
We all remember the Health Ségur (ER: Ségur is the name of a health agreement), which resulted in major investments in both infrastructure and salaries. At the time, the Ministry of Health announced an investment of $19 billion across the board. One also remembers that this Ségur of Health overshadowed all the management and organizational issues that could have weakened the hold of the globalized caste, its internal auditors and its accounting tables on the health system.
Curiously, we also find this sentence in Schwab’s Great Reset (page 52):
Health care, as the pandemic has demonstrated, requires much greater investment, both in infrastructure and innovation and in human capital.
And, in the Ségur of Health, we find this:
Translation: 19 billion euros of investment
This does not include salary increases…
As you can see, nothing has been forgotten in this scheme, and Olivier Véran has done everything necessary to show himself to be an excellent student of the Great Reset.
A very Great Reset compatible social policy
On the side of social policies, the Great Reset has declared itself to be very much in favor of the measures advocated by the Modern Theory of Money, to which we will return at greater length in other publications. It is perhaps on this point that Emmanuel Macron, while remaining within the orthodoxy of the Great Reset, takes the most liberty with the original model, unlike Joe Biden.
Schwab indeed proposes the generalization of helicopter money, whose deployment across the Atlantic is causing apparent disruptions in the supply chain. Let us recall this point (page 16):
It could thus provoke changes that would have seemed inconceivable before the pandemic struck, such as new forms of monetary policy like helicopter money (already a given), the reexamination/recalibration of some of our social priorities and an increased pursuit of the common good as a policy goal, the notion of equity gaining political power, radical welfare and tax measures, and drastic geopolitical realignments.
While France has not yet officially resorted to “helicopter money” to boost activity, Emmanuel Macron has largely resorted to public deficits to cope, and continues to do so massively as elections approach. In particular, in 2020, the state intervened massively to take over the salaries of locked-down companies, and accepted record social deficits. In the run-up to his re-election, Emmanuel Macron is handing out checks to “protect” the French against price increases.
These colossal expenditures are not socializing “aberrations” that would put France out of the game. On the contrary, they allow Macron to be included in the roll of honor of the good students of the Great Reset.
Macron and the European question
There is still a whole chapter to be written in this study on Macron’s financial policy in relation to the Great Reset. But, given the role of the European Central Bank in financing our deficits, this aspect cannot be dealt with outside the European application (notably by the Commission, but not only…) of the Great Reset.
We will devote a separate study to it. But the enumeration we have made, which is synthetic and non-exhaustive, already shows how much this Great Reset by Schwab has impacted French domestic policy over the last fifteen months.
Image of Emmanuel Macron: Ludovic Marin / AFP
Published to The Liberty Beacon from EuropeReloaded.com
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