Macron’s Terrible Mistake — Massacre In The Sharaa Strip
By via The Liberty Beacon
Omar Youssef Souleimane, a Syrian journalist and poet born in 1987 in the vicinity of Damascus who has just released his book “The Smiling Arab (Flammarion), was invited by French outlet L’Express to share his view on the interim President of Syria, Ahmed al-Sharaa’s visit to France, during which the former head of Al-Qaeda in Syria took part in a controversial press conference with French President Emmanuel Macron. Souleimane is a Syrian journalist who spent his formative years in Saudi Arabia, where he received a Koranic education and was influenced by the works of poets such as Éluard and Aragon. From 2006 to 2010, he served as a correspondent for the Syrian press and began publishing his initial poetry. Following a perilous escape, Souleimane was exfiltrated to Paris, where he currently resides.
VIDEO: French President Emmanuel Macron’s Press conference. [(English voice over) – Please note that the first 3 minutes were removed to avoid the usual platitudes- Q&A have also been removed.]
French President Emmanuel Macron’s Press conference with Syrian interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa. (English voice over) –
Please note that the first 3 minutes were removed to avoid the usual platitudes- Q&A have been removed too.
FYI: I am not a professional translator… pic.twitter.com/3hg2jnRksI
— Freddie Ponton 🇫🇷 (@freddie_ponton) May 8, 2025
In the following analysis, Souleimane describes how his escape from Assad’s police was primarily driven by the need to protect himself from Islamist threats, including the Muslim Brotherhood, which was supported by Turkey and Qatar. He also points to the oppressive actions of extremist groups that stifled liberal and democratic voices and identifies Ahmed al-Sharaa as a key figure in jihadism, who fought in Iraq with Al-Qaeda before returning to Syria to form the Al-Nusra Front (Al-Qaeda branch in Syria), which later became Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). He explains that under Al-Sharaa’s leadership, HTS established a regime in Idlib marked by Islamic fundamentalism, known for torture, arbitrary detentions, and restrictions on civil liberties. The Syrian journalist also shares testimonies from Alawite neighbourhoods in Homs, where residents reported daily executions and forced evictions in the “Sharaa Strip” by the new HTS police, followed by mysterious disappearances of young people, and enforced veiling for women due to harassment fears. Souleimane also talks about the Christians who live on the city’s outskirts and have voiced concerns about threats, fearing they would be targeted after Al-Sharaa’s regime is done dealing with the Alawites.
Souleimane supports France’s participation in the reconstruction of Syria, contending that Turkey and Qatar should not be permitted to take control of the initiative. He expresses strong disapproval of Ahmed al-Sharaa, whom he deems the most inappropriate collaborator. Although Al-Sharaa has shifted from military clothing to formal attire in an effort to present himself as a modern leader capable of swaying European opinion, Souleimane remains unconvinced by this pretense, which he believes should not exonerate Syria’s interim President from his previous crimes…
IMAGE: Omar Youssef Souleimane is a journalist, poet, and writer. A Syrian refugee since 2012, he became a French citizen in 2022. Eleven years later… (Source: Sébastien Leban, Flammarion)
Omar Youssef Souleimane reports for L’EXPRESS…
Ahmed al-Charaa at the Elysée: Emmanuel Macron’s mistake, by Omar Youssef Souleimane
For the writer of Syrian origin, the French president was a victim of the same illusion as Nicolas Sarkozy during the time of Bashar al-Assad, while the Islamist autocrat has already shown his true nature. The high-stakes visit was a controversial one after multiple deadly attacks in Syria sparked international outrage.
As Syrian minorities face massive persecution and Islamists impose Sharia law in Syria, the Elysée Palace has chosen to invite a former jihadist, now touted as the country’s president. What interest does France have in collaborating with Ahmed al-Sharaa, who, since coming to power, has only worsened the suffering of the Syrian people? Is France repeating the same mistakes with Middle Eastern dictators? Yet Sharaa is not just any autocrat: he is also a former Daesh fighter.
In 2008, France hosted Bashar al-Assad as part of his national holiday. The visit was an opportunity to clear his name in the West, as the Syrian leader found himself increasingly isolated after being accused of the assassination of Rafik al-Hariri in Lebanon in 2005. The invitation sparked a heated debate, as the Assad regime was already known for its human rights abuses. Nicolas Sarkozy, who rolled out the red carpet for Assad, justified the visit by saying it aimed to encourage Syria to play a constructive role in the Middle East. He highlighted two major achievements during talks with Assad: the establishment of diplomatic relations between Syria and Lebanon, and Syria’s participation in indirect peace negotiations with Israel. Three years later, in 2011, the Syrian revolution against the dictator exposed the regime’s brutality to the world. Sarkozy was the first leader to call for Assad to leave power.
The omnipresent Islamic flag
The following year, in 2012, I fled Syria for France. This was not only to escape Assad’s police, but also to protect myself from threats from Islamists: the Muslim Brotherhood had infiltrated our demonstrations, supported by Turkey and Qatar. They had crushed liberal and democratic voices in areas liberated from the regime. Ahmed al-Sharaa was then the central figure of jihadism. After fighting in Iraq with Al-Qaeda, he returned to Syria. He founded the Al-Nusra Front, an Al-Qaeda affiliate, which later became Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTC). Under his leadership, HTC established an Islamic administration in Idlib province, while being accused of torture, including arbitrary arrests and restrictions on civil liberties.
In January, a month after Assad’s fall, I returned to Syria. The first thing I noticed was the massive presence of the Islamic flag, associated with that of the homeland. Foreign jihadists were walking around unhurriedly. Sharaa appointed several of them—Uighurs, Albanians, Turks, Jordanians—to the rank of officers. During my meeting with Alaa Omran, director general of the Homs region police, in the center of the country and close to Al-Sharaa, I asked him about the presence of these foreign jihadists within the army. He replied: “These people were persecuted in their countries of origin and took refuge in Syria. They resisted with us against Bashar al-Assad. We will grant them Syrian nationality. They will defend this country that protected them. Just like you, you took refuge in France to flee Bashar al-Assad, and you were naturalised French. Wouldn’t you defend this territory in times of war?”
He compared the situation of an exile in a secular country to that of jihadists whose goal is to establish an Islamic state. This response is similar to the one Al-Sharaa just gave at the press conference at the Élysée Palace.
Women pushed aside
Individual freedom was already being crushed: it was common for a woman and a man walking together in the street to be assaulted by the police if they weren’t married or didn’t belong to the same family. Although the Syrian people were still drunk with the joy of Assad’s fall, fear prevailed, even in the heart of Damascus. I spent hours discussing the situation with young people from several communities. They brought up the same topics we had been debating at the beginning of the revolution: secularism, democracy, and the rule of law. Yet the government showed no sign of commitment to these issues. Obaida Arnaout, spokesperson for HTC, declared that women would not have a role in all areas of society. Sharaa appointed Chadi al-Waissi as Minister of Justice, even though he is accused of crimes against humanity.
I returned to a Syria that didn’t recognise me, a Syria destroyed by the Assad regime and dominated by a new fundamentalist system. In Homs, in the Alawite neighborhoods, I spoke with dozens of Syrians belonging to this community. They confirmed that daily executions were being committed against them. Some were expelled from their homes by the new police force, young people disappeared, and women wore the veil for fear of harassment. Christians in the city’s suburbs assured me that they were threatened, believing their turn would come when the new government had finished with the Alawites.
Later, on February 25, a national dialogue conference was launched in Damascus. It lasted two days, and the guests were friends of the governor. Sharaa appointed a committee to draft an interim constitution, which he signed on March 13. This document, which includes an article stating that Sharia is the primary source of law, establishes a presidential system in which the president holds extensive powers, including the appointment of ministers, judges, and members of parliament. The transitional period, during which Sharia will remain in power, is scheduled for five years. This political process is merely a show, as Syrians have neither chosen their leader nor the Constitution.
In March, the situation deteriorated due to sectarianism and savagery in the Sharaa Strip. Massacres were committed against Alawites on the Syrian coast. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), at least 745 Alawite civilians were killed between March 6 and 8 in the Latakia and Tartus regions. The jihadist units involved in this tragedy belong to the new Defense Minister. The Druze were also targeted in late April. Their weapons and the Israeli intervention protected them from the fate of the Alawites. Today, the young people I met in Damascus are all looking to leave; they confirm to me that they no longer have a future in this land dominated by terror. They sought justice above all, especially from the former regime. The current regime, so implicated in violations of their rights, will not bring it to them.
Restore the Image of an Executioner
During my stay in Syria, the only thing that protected me from being attacked by the Islamists in power was my French passport. This is because France defends its citizens, as it does those who advocate for secularism and human rights. This is an integral part of universalist France. While France also has a historic commitment to Syria, the arrival of the new Syrian dictator in Paris is very unpopular with free Syrians. France, a model, welcomes their executioner. The invitation, however, delighted the Islamists. For them, Sharaa is proof that one can escape justice by becoming a political leader.
Just like Nicolas Sarkozy during the Assad era, Emmanuel Macron wants to stabilise regional relations, particularly with Lebanon, and address concerns about Israeli strikes. He also wants France to take part in the reconstruction of Syria and not leave Turkey and Qatar to play it alone. But Charaa is the worst person to collaborate with. Even if he now wears a suit instead of his military uniform, even if he presents himself as a modern leader to manipulate Europe, that doesn’t erase the blood on his hands. Moreover, his domestic policies are leading his population directly toward civil war. Like Assad, this butcher is seeking to restore his image.
France has, unfortunately, become the instrument of this rehabilitation. Does it really take years to understand that an Islamist, police-led regime only serves to harm our country’s values? * Writer and poet born near Damascus in 1987, Omar Youssef Souleimane took part in the demonstrations against the regime of Bashar al-Assad, but, hunted by the secret services, had to flee Syria in 2012. He has just published The Smiling Arab (Flammarion).
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Header featured image (edited) credit: AP photo. Emphasis added by (TLB)
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